© Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2015
Ulrike Boehmer and Ronit Elk (eds.)Cancer and the LGBT Community10.1007/978-3-319-15057-4_55. Smoking in the LGBT Community
(1)
Memorial Sloan Kettering Cancer Center, New York, NY, USA
Abstract
Tobacco use is the single most preventable cause of cancer. Smoking prevalence among lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) persons is significantly higher than in the general U.S. population. This health disparity likely originates during sexual minority adolescence, when smoking initiation occurs earlier and maintains at higher rates than for their heterosexual peers. Among youth, identifying as bisexual and being female, and experiencing more victimization increase risk for smoking. For LGBT adults, alcohol, substance use, and depression are often associated with smoking. One hypothesis proposes that disparate LGBT tobacco use is driven by sexual minority stress resulting from externally imposed and internally incorporated stigma and victimization. If true, does engagement in a validating LGBT community protect against the risk of smoking? Research findings suggest a more complex question, depending upon age of the person, number and type of LGBT organizations, and perhaps whether they have active tobacco control programs. Definitive answers await further research. LGBT tobacco control advocates have developed community-based smoking cessation programs, such as The Last Drag, tailored to LGBT persons, held in LGBT-serving venues, and assuring a supportive context for smoking cessation. Evaluations of community-based programs are encouraging. A marked paucity of LGBT-tailored or targeted randomized controlled cessation trials exist, and some studies not tailored or limited to LGBT smokers show cessation rates equivalent for LGBT and heterosexual persons. Multi-site studies encompassing different regions of the country beyond the two coasts could address the likely complex efficacy issues of tailored vs. non-tailored smoking cessation interventions for LGBT smokers.
Tobacco use is the single most preventable cause of disease, disability, and death in the United States [14] and the single most preventable cause of cancer [73]. The 2014 U.S. Surgeon General’s Report increased the number of cancers caused by smoking to include liver and colorectal cancers, bringing the total to nearly 20 different cancers linked to tobacco use[65]. In 2012, 18.1 % of the general U.S. population smoked cigarettes, the prevalent form of tobacco use [16]. Given the toll of smoking on the nation’s health, disparities in the burden of smoking in subpopulations are of particular concern. Evidence began to emerge in the 1990’s that smoking was significantly more prevalent in the LGBT community than in the general U.S. population. Over the last two decades LGBT individuals and tobacco prevention and control advocates and experts have organized and responded from the grassroots, research, treatment and policy spheres to address the community’s tobacco use problem. This chapter provides an overview of the history of the tobacco control movement in the LGBT community, empirical support for smoking disparities, factors related to LGBT tobacco use, theoretical frameworks for understanding disparities, cessation interventions targeting the community, and a discussion of opportunities and challenges that lie ahead.
History
In the U.S. during the late 1980’s, smoking bans on domestic airlines, accumulating evidence of the harms of involuntary smoke exposure [72] and a growing list of cities and states enacting indoor and outdoor smoking restrictions provided momentum for critical public health events in the next decade. The decade of the 1990’s saw increasing convergence of legal actions and policy advances at the federal, state, and community levels to propel forward tobacco prevention and control activities within and outside the LGBT community. Among these were the 1992 U.S. Environmental Protection Agency’s report on the adverse effects of secondhand smoke [75], the FDA’s 1995 attempt to regulate tobacco products, California becoming the first state to pass a comprehensive, statewide smoke-free air law (1998), and the landmark Master Settlement Agreement in 1998 between the attorneys general of 46 states and the tobacco industry to reimburse state governments for tobacco-related health costs and to fund tobacco prevention and control programs [49]. In 1991, the Coalition of Lavender-Americans on Smoking and Health (CLASH) was formed in San Francisco and provided “The Last Drag,” the first known community-based cessation program targeted to LGBT smokers and using evidence-based strategies [25, 69]. This multi-session group program has been disseminated through training to other states and cities and remains active to this day.
During the same period, published research was emerging that showed elevated prevalence of smoking among lesbian and bisexual women [6, 23]and gay and bisexual men [67], when compared to the general population or their heterosexual counterparts, further raising awareness of the tobacco problem in community and academic settings. In parallel with the larger public discourse about the impact of cigarette marketing on smoking among U.S. youth and other subpopulations, policy experts, researchers and the LGBT community became more conscious and critical of LGBT-targeted cigarette marketing [28, 77], further bolstering tobacco control efforts. The release of tobacco industry internal documents as part of the Master Settlement revealed that over a period from 1995 to 1997, R.J. Reynolds intended to increase its Camel brand’s share of the market in San Francisco via subculture urban marketing that included gay people in the Castro district, called “Project SCUM,” [71]. The disrespect embedded in the project name and the targeting of the LGBT community fueled critical response, counter-advertising [77], and provided a potent weapon for anti-tobacco organizations, e.g., Legacy’s “truth” campaign [1] and advocates in the LGBT community.
Tobacco control became entangled in the activities of the AIDS Coalition to Unleash Power (ACTUP) [22], which sought ways to counter the work of then senator Jesse Helms of North Carolina, an ardent foe of AIDS and LGBT activists [54]. Philip Morris, the cigarette manufacturer and owner of Miller Brewing, provided financial support to Helms. ACT-UP led a national boycott of the company’s tobacco products and then expanded this to Miller beer. The two parties settled the boycott in 1991, with Philip Morris agreeing to provide financial support for AIDS organizations but continuing support for Helms. Soon after, Philip Morris placed its first advertisement in a gay magazine [55]. Ironically, this agreement provided a doorway to sometimes closer relations between the tobacco industry and cash-starved LGBT organizations, which gained a benefactor [54]. As Offen et al. [53] documented in interviews with leaders of 76 LGBT organizations across the U.S. from 2002 to 2004, that arrangement fostered normalization of tobacco use. They found that 22 % of these leaders had accepted tobacco industry money, and only 24 % of those interviewed said smoking was a priority concern. This period also saw the advent of “gay vague” advertisements in LGBT publications, in which a 3rd person was introduced into a smoking scene, creating ambiguity about whether the attraction was between two of the same sex, different sex, or both, enabling LGBT viewers to perceive the former while providing cover for the advertiser to deny such an interpretation [50]. Providing visibility, no matter how ambiguous, could be seen as progress for the LGBT community fighting for acknowledgement of its existence and rights at that time, while opening up an untapped market for tobacco products.
Early voices in the tobacco control and LGBT community, such as CLASH, [28, 54, 77] warned of the impact of the tobacco industry targeting the community. In 2002, the American Legacy Foundation (now called Legacy) awarded grants to diverse LGBT organizations to prevent and reduce tobacco use [2]. Under the leadership of Scout at the Fenway Institute, the National LGBT Tobacco Control Network was founded with support from the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) and became a locus for organizing and promoting LGBT tobacco control efforts in communities across the nation, including sponsorship of the national LGBT tobacco summits [70]. In 2004, the Network issued The National LGBT Communities Tobacco Action Plan: Research, Prevention, and Cessation, which has served as a blueprint for initiating and maintaining tobacco prevention and control programs and activities in the LGBT community. Many LGBT community-based organizations offer tobacco cessation programs that provide a welcoming environment and tailored support for smokers to pursue abstinence, as well as fostering new generations of tobacco control activists, researchers, and policy experts. Next, the scope of the smoking and tobacco use problem for the LGBT community is presented.
Prevalence of Smoking in LGBT Community
The gold standard for collecting prevalence data on a disease risk factor such as smoking is to use population-based sampling methods that assure that the sample of individuals drawn from the general population represent important characteristics of the general population, meaning here the U.S. population. Population-based samples can be contrasted with “convenience samples” whereby data are collected from a group of individuals who can be more easily accessed but who may not represent the characteristics of the larger population to which they belong [47]. Presented below are definitions of statistical terminology [51], as diverse statistical terms are used by different researchers in presenting smoking data. Median is the middle value of a sequence of ordered data, the value where 50 % of data are below and 50 % of data are above that value. A prevalence rate is the total number of cases, for example, of current cigarette smoking, existing in a population divided by the total population number, including both smokers and nonsmokers. Prevalence is influenced by initiation of smoking and rates of cessation. An odds ratio (OR) is a measure of association between a risk factor (e.g., being LGBT) and an outcome (e.g., smoking). The OR represents the odds that an outcome (e.g., smoking) will occur given a particular risk factor (e.g., being LGBT), compared to the odds of the outcome occurring in the absence of that risk factor (being heterosexual) [68]. An odds ratio is reported along with its 95 % confidence interval (95 % CI), which is used to estimate the precision of the OR. It is common practice to interpret the OR association as being statistically significant if the 95 % CI range of values does not include the “null value” of 1, which would indicate, for example, that being LGBT was associated with a 50/50 odds of being a smoker, or OR = 1. A larger CI denotes a lower level of precision of the OR, while a smaller CI indicates a higher precision of the OR.
The methods by which sexual orientation and gender identity are assessed often vary across studies, and the definitions of “current smoking” may also vary, making cross-study comparisons difficult. When only subgroups of the LGBT community are studied, this will be indicated by using subgroup acronyms. Fortunately, in recent years the more widespread incorporation of standard assessment items for sexual and gender identities and tobacco use have aided interpretation of new findings in relation to prior data. To aid in interpretation, this chapter places more weight on studies using population-based sampling methods, standard measures of tobacco use, and commonly used measures of sexual orientation and gender identity than it does other studies. Next, prevalence data for youth and then adults are presented.
Youth
For the purposes of this chapter, studies that included those younger than age 18 years (but could include young adults) or students at high school level or lower are cited. The disparities in smoking prevalence observed in the adult LGBT population likely originate during adolescence and emerging adulthood. Early on, Garofalo et al. [27] observed higher rates of smoking among Massachusetts youth in grades 9–12, who identified as gay, lesbian, or bisexual in the state’s Youth Risk Behavior Surveillance Survey (YRBSS) [13], a CDC-designed, state-based survey of health risk behaviors of youth in the U.S. They found that 59.3 % of LGB youth were current smokers compared to 35.2 % of the non-LGB youth. This tobacco use disparity in Massachusetts was confirmed subsequently by YRBSS findings in Colorado [10].
In 2011, researchers at the CDC reported prevalence of LGB risk behaviors assessed through YRBSS surveys conducted in seven states and six large urban school districts [15], a marked expansion of efforts to understand LGBT youth health disparities. Population-based sampling was used and data were collected on both sexual identity and sexual contacts, i.e., same sex only, opposite sex only, or both sexes. Among the many health behaviors assessed, 12 measures of tobacco use or attempts to quit were reported, as adolescent and young adults often experiment with tobacco and may not have stable patterns of smoking typical for most adult smokers [11]. Median current cigarette use (smoked on at least 1 day in the 30 days before the survey) was as follows: lesbian and gay, 30.5 %; bisexuals, 30.8 %; heterosexuals, 13.6 %, and; unsure, 18.2 %. Current frequent cigarette use, in which cigarettes are smoked 20 or more days during the prior 30 days before the survey, was, for lesbian and gay, 15.5 %; bisexuals, 16.7 %; heterosexuals, 5.1 %, and; unsure, 7.3 %. Similar patterns of elevated prevalence for LGB youth were observed for having ever smoked a cigarette, having smoked a cigarette before age 13 years, having smoked > 10 cigarettes per day (CPD) on days when they smoked in the prior 30 days, and smokeless tobacco and cigar use. Any current tobacco use (current cigarette use, smokeless tobacco use, or cigar use) figures were for lesbian and gay, 35.4 %; bisexuals, 39.6 %; heterosexuals, 18.9 %, and; unsure, 20.5 %. Prevalence data for bisexuals were not markedly different than for gay and lesbian youth. Analyses using sexual contacts (behavior rather than sexual identity) yielded somewhat different results, but they confirmed the overall pattern of tobacco use disparities. Finally, youth were asked if they had tried to quit smoking during the 12 months before the survey, and for lesbian and gay, 52.3 % had tried; bisexuals, 55.5 %; heterosexuals, 54.4 %, and; for those unsure, 66.2 % reported trying to quit. Thus, there is some promising news in that LGB youth appear to be trying to quit at rates similar to those seen with heterosexual youth, despite the more prevalent tobacco use.
More recently, Corliss et al. [20] also used YRBS survey data from 13 jurisdictions and found similar overall results as Kann et al. [15] above regarding tobacco use disparities by sexual orientation identity and the sex of sexual contacts, but they also examined interactions of race, ethnicity, gender, and age with sexual orientation identity. Across five different smoking variables, they observed that Black and Asian/Pacific Island LG youth, when compared to their respective race or ethnic heterosexual counterparts, were at elevated risk for cigarette use. Bisexual females, compared to bisexual males, and adolescent girls reporting sexual contacts with both sexes, compared to those reporting only opposite-sex contacts, were also at higher risk for cigarette use. These data support the value of larger datasets that capture not only sexual orientation data but enable the exploration of the intersection of race, ethnicity, age, and gender variables with tobacco use and the identification of disparities within these subgroups.
The strengths of the YRBS survey data include population-based sampling, large samples of youth, and standard questions that enable comparisons across states and years, but they are cross-sectional data, do not include homeless youth and those not in public schools, and the data are generalizable only to the states participating. Although some state YRBS surveys assess more than one facet of sexual identity, e.g., items about sexual orientation identity and the sex of those with whom they have had sexual contact, most studies examining smoking prevalence and correlates measure sexual orientation by assessing self-identity. Recently, researchers [7] found lack of concordance among methods used to assess sexual orientation—self-identity, sexual attraction, and sexual experience—in their study of n = 3,963 youth ages 15–24 years in the National Survey of Family Growth. Sexual experience rather than identity or attraction was the most consistent predictor of substance use, including tobacco. Thus, particularly among youth, sexual identity is a work in progress and relying on only one measure of sexual orientation may not accurately describe their patterns and the correlates of tobacco use. Future research of sexual minority youth’s tobacco use can contribute to a more nuanced understanding by incorporating a multidimensional assessment of sexual identity and the perspectives of developmental-stage theories of identity development [24].
In summary, the cumulative population-based survey data indicate disparate tobacco use among LGB youth compared to their heterosexual counterparts, although data are often limited to certain regions of the country. LGB racial, ethnic, and gender subgroups are at higher risk for smoking than their heterosexual peers. Smoking data are lacking for transgender and gender nonconforming youth.
Adults
A solid and growing body of published research using national, population-based sampling indicates that the prevalence of smoking among lesbians, gay men, and bisexual men and women is significantly elevated when compared to smoking prevalence for their heterosexual counterparts. Smoking prevalence data for transgender persons have not been collected [42] in most population-based surveys, and the existing studies that do use varying methods to sample the transgender subpopulation. A systematic review of the tobacco research literature conducted by Lee et al. [42], and spanning nearly two decades up to mid-2007, found that sexual minority men and women have 1.5 to 2.5 times the odds of being current smokers when compared to their heterosexual counterparts. More recent tobacco use data from 10 states participating in the CDC Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance Survey (BRFSS) [4] and assessing sexual orientation and gender identity in 2010, are consistent with that review. Specifically, lesbians had nearly twice the odds of being a current smoker compared to heterosexual women (OR = 1.91, 95 % CI = 1.26, 2.91). Bisexual women had over twice the odds of being a smoker (OR = 2.13, 95 % CI = 1.33, 3.42). In terms of smoking prevalence, 19.1 % of lesbians were current smokers, whereas 29.7 % of bisexual women and 11.7 % of heterosexual women smoked. Both gay men and bisexual men had nearly twice the odds of being a current smoker compared to heterosexual men (respectively, OR = 1.93, 95 % CI = 1.27, 2.93; OR = 1.92, 95 % CI = 1.04, 3.53) [4]. The prevalence of current smoking was 22.9 % for gay men, 33.3 % for bisexual men, and 15.8 % for heterosexual men. As the authors noted, the limitation of these data include the absence of any southern state among the 10 states reporting BRFSS data; therefore, they are not representative of the U.S. population, and assessment of sexual orientation varied across states.
The strongest evidence for smoking disparities for transgender persons comes from the 2004 California Tobacco Use Survey, which used a strong sampling methodology to adequately sample the LGBT population in that state [9]. Smoking prevalence for transgender respondents was 30.7 %, compared to 30.4 % for the LGBT sample overall, indicating prevalence nearly double that of the general California population at 15.4 %. Showing data consistent with the California findings but using a very different sampling approach was the 2010 National Transgender Discrimination Survey [31]. The survey was conducted by contacting over 800 transgender-led or -serving community-based organizations in the U.S., and the outreach yielded 6,450 valid survey responses from all 50 states. Some 88 % of the sample identified as either female-to-male or male-to-female. Thirty percent of the transgender sample reported daily or occasional smoking, compared to the U.S. general population adult smoking prevalence of 20.6 % at the time of the survey. Notably, 70 % reported wanting to quit smoking, similar to national population data [74]. A third study reported in a conference abstract secondary analyses from an internet-based HIV risk reduction intervention targeting transgender persons [38]. The sample size was n = 1,106, 80.3 % Caucasian, with a mean age of 33 years, and over 80 % had some post-high school education. Smoking prevalence was 41 % overall, with higher prevalence among the female-to-male (FTM) subgroup (47.5 %) compared to the male-to-female (MTF) subgroup (36.1 %). These three studies begin to fill the data gap on smoking prevalence for transgender persons. Using different sampling methods, they have arrived at prevalence figures indicating smoking rates substantially higher than seen in the general population and equivalent to or higher than rates for LGB persons.
Rath et al. [59] reported fine-grained data on characteristics associated with LGB tobacco use and diverse types of tobacco products in the Legacy Young Adults Cohort, a nationally representative longitudinal sample of young adults ages 18–34. Prevalence of current cigarette use within the past 30 days was significantly higher for LGB respondents: 35 % for lesbians and gay men; 27 % for bisexuals, and; 18 % for heterosexuals. LGB young adults, compared to heterosexual counterparts, were more likely to have ever visited a hookah bar or restaurant, and used cigars, little cigars, cigarillos, or bidis, and dissolvable tobacco products.
In conclusion, consistent findings using population-based sampling or intensive community sampling indicates significantly higher smoking prevalence in all LGBT subpopulations compared to heterosexuals. Within the LGBT population, bisexuals and transgender persons may be at higher risk for tobacco use.
Factors Associated with Smoking in the LGBT Community
Identifying the correlates of tobacco use and potential causes of elevated prevalence of smoking in the LGBT community is important because doing so provides actionable information for increasing awareness of the tobacco problem within the LGBT community by advocates, arming tobacco control experts, and motivating funding sources to address the problem. As Blosnich et al. [3] observed in their review of risk factors and correlates of tobacco use in the LGB population, these can be divided into two broad categories: Factors unique in type or intensity for sexual minorities, and factors common to both sexual minorities and the general population. This approach is helpful in thinking about future tobacco use prevention programs targeted or tailored to LGBT youth, as well as cessation interventions for current smokers. Comparisons of LGBT smokers and nonsmokers across sociodemographic and psychosocial characteristics may also shed light on protective and risk factors for smoking.
Youth
LGB adolescents compared to heterosexual youth are more likely to start smoking at an earlier age and report current smoking [19, 20]. In general, adolescents who smoke compared to those who don’t are at greater risk to become regular smokers in adulthood [17]. There is variability in risks for smoking within sexual minority subgroups. A meta-analysis of 18 studies examining sexual orientation and adolescent substance use found that being female (vs. male) or bisexual (vs. gay or lesbian) were associated with higher risk for smoking [49]. Bisexual identity, compared to lesbian/gay or heterosexual identity, as a risk factor for higher risk for tobacco use and other risk behaviors [49] was confirmed in later YRBSS data [11]. Victimization, such as verbal or physical harassment due to being LGB, is longitudinally associated with LGB smoking status [52], and LGBQ (queer-identified youths were included) youths experiencing high victimization levels also had higher smoking levels and other health risk behavior compared with heterosexual youths reporting low levels of victimization [5]. In the latter study, LGBQ youth who reported low levels of victimization had health risk behavior profiles similar to heterosexual youth, and LGBQ youth reporting the highest victimization were at higher risk than heterosexual youth also reporting high victimization [5]. Approaching the influence of social environment on smoking risk from an alternative perspective, Hatzenbuehler et al. [35] found that among 11th graders in Oregon, a greater supportive social environment for LGB youth (e.g., presence of gay-straight alliances, school nondiscrimination and anti-bullying policies that specifically protected LGB students) was associated with reduced tobacco use. The potential mitigating effect of supportive school environments on LGBT youths’ risk for tobacco use, along with the link between victimization and risk for smoking, strongly suggest that social stigma, harassment, and absence of clear support for LGBT identity are potent risk factors for smoking in these youth. Parallel to these data are consistent findings across studies that use of other substances and levels of other high risk health behaviors are elevated among LGB youth [11, 44]. Interviews with LGBT youths about smoking have highlighted the perceived utility of smoking in managing stressors and stress reactions [60], although other data suggest that smoking can amplify the association between stress burden and subsequent psychological distress [62].
In summary LGB youth, compared to heterosexual youth, start smoking at a younger age. Identifying as bisexual and being female, and experiencing more victimization are associated with greater risk for smoking. Factors associated with adult LGBT smoking are now presented.
Adults
A 2011 systematic review of publications reporting sociodemographic, behavioral, and mental health associations with smoking among sexual minorities noted a fragmented research literature lacking coherence in sampling methods, measures, and definitions of sexual orientation and smoking. The reviewers stated “the current evidence base constructs an incomplete and challenging glimpse into the etiology of smoking disparities among sexual minorities,” ([3], p. 4). Although some progress has been made since, their statement largely holds. That review identified alcohol use, depression or depressive symptoms, younger age, and lower education level as associated with LGB tobacco use, all of which are also associated with current smoking in the general population [3, 12, 30, 56]. Similarly, the Legacy Young Adults Cohort study [59] conducted multivariate logistic regressions to determine covariates of tobacco use by sexual identity. Current cigarette use by LGB young adults was significantly associated with having a high school education (vs. some college or greater), OR = 4.27 (95 % CI: 1.51–12.12); current alcohol use, OR = 12.65 (95 % CI: 2.99–53.54); and current other drug use, OR = 9.67 (95 % CI: 2.22–42.09). The same three covariates were significant in the statistical model using any current tobacco use as the outcome variable. Notably, when the same statistical models were developed for heterosexuals, two of the three variables significant for LGB youth, i.e., high school education and current alcohol use, were significant for them as well. As the authors noted, current alcohol use was most strongly associated with current cigarette and any tobacco use by LGB young adults.